% The Flaming Right by paul murphy

Why Trump?

According to a June 6th article in the EpocheTimes by Ivan Pentchoukov and since confirmed by others:

The Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee released 500 pages of documents and texts on June 4, the bulk of which consists of messages between Page and Strzok. One message, which was previously redacted, shows that FBI agents were working to recruit double agents as early as Dec. 28, 2015.

"You get all our oconus lures approved?" Strzok wrote to Page.

"No, it's just implicated a much bigger policy issue," Page responded. "I'll explain later. Might even be able to use it as a pretext for a call."

According to Chris Farrell, a former counterintelligence officer who ran double-agent operations for the U.S. Army, "oconus" stands for "outside the continental United States," while "lures" refers to people used as bait to snag a potential double agent.

We do not know what the bigger policy issue was, but we do know three things about this exchange:

  1. this text exchange took place in the context of the Trump campaign;

  2. it took place almost five months before the May, 2016, meeting between George Papadopoulous and Alexander Downer frequently cited by the FBI and democrat media as the trigger event giving rise to the FBI's interest in the Trump campaign;

  3. and, that the FBI subsequently paid multiple informants, including Joseph Mifsud, Stefan Halper and someone known as Henry Greenberg, to initiate what look like standard recruiting efforts against people, including George Papadopoulos, Carter Page, Michael Caputo, and Roger Stone, associated in one way or another with the Trump campaign.

The timing is particularly intriging because, while Obama's inner circle would have known Hillary Clinton well enough to understand the risks she posed as the democratic party's heir apparent and thus be deeply worried about her ability to defeat whoever the GOP put up, assuming them so prescient as to focus all their efforts at sabotage and compromise on the Trump campaign more than six weeks before the Iowa caucuses strains the bounds of creduality.

Basically, if people like Obama, Jarrett, Holder, Lynch, Rhodes, Brennan, and Clapper had held a meeting in mid to late December to discuss Republican threats to their efforts to undermine the American idea they might have worked from a list similar to the one below:

Candidate Danger to us if elected Chance of becoming GOP nominee
Jeb Bush none high
Ben Carson high none
Chris Christie high middling
Ted Cruz medium middling
Carly Fiorina none none
Jim Gilmore none none
Lindsey Graham none none
Mike Huckabee high none
Bobby Jindal none low
John Kasich low low
George Pataki none none
Rand Paul highnone
Rick Perry medium middling
Marco Rubio nonemiddling
Rick Santorum highnone
Donald Trump highlow
Scott Walker high high

It makes no obvious sense for them to have picked Trump in mid December of 2015 as the one to focus on, but the dates are clear: by December 28th, 2015, five weeks before the Iowa caucuses, the FBI had started its efforts to infiltrate the Trump campaign.

Six weeks later, three of the four candidates who could reasonably have been seen as most likely to reverse Obama's anti-Americanism and destructive regulatory programs while ultimately jailling or otherwise humiliating many of those responsible for his administration's excesses and scandals were gone.

During these six weeks both the Walker and the Perry campaigns imploded ostensibly because poor polling presaged fundraising failure, but really because staff conflicts and naive missteps decapitated both campaigns and neither Walker nor Perry had the cash, guts, and media support needed to do what McCain did in similar circumstances: fire nearly everyone and start over.

Chris Christie withdrew on February 10th nominally because he had publically hung his hat on winning the New Hampshire primary but, in reality, because the unrelenting fake news attacks on him with respect to bridgegate (of which he was acquitted); the infamous "Obama Hug" (which had not happened), and his inability as governor to surmount a long term program of silent bureaucratic and judicial non co-operation with those seeking to rebuild after Sandy, had left him dispirited and willing to acquiese to negative advice from the same political professionals on his staff who had maneuvered him into this position.

In December of 2015 what made the Trump campaign internally different from the other sixteen was that he had no name brand political staffers or advisors - he had people like Palin, Gingrich, Guiliani, and, later, Lewandowski; but, at least until Reince Priebus came on board there was no one with significant access to the candidate who had the kind of vulnerabilities that come with long histories of work on the peripheries of power in Washington.

The supposition, in other words, is that the Obama clique focused the FBI's attention on getting someone into the Trump campaign, not because they assessed him as the greatest threat (a proposition that, despite his fling with birtherism, simply isn't credible given the political zeitgeist in place in December of 2015) but because they already had their spies and saboteurs in place in the other campaigns.

A supposition, however, is far from fact and congressional investigators should probably do two things: demand all FBI/DOJ communications with respect to the other sixteen campaigns; and, take a close look at who and what drove some of the amazingly bad decisions made inside the Walker and Perry campaign organizations.


Paul Murphy, a Canadian, wrote and published The Unix Guide to Defenestration. Murphy is a 25-year veteran of the I.T. consulting industry, specializing in Unix and Unix-related management issues.